Showing posts with label Nedjo Cabrinovic. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nedjo Cabrinovic. Show all posts

Friday, 11 July 2014

The Event that Sparked World War I: The Trial and Outcome

There were a total of 25 defendants. Some of their names are as follows:

There were the six main conspirators (Mehmedbasic, aged 27, was missing).

Gavro Princip (aged 19), Nedjo Cabrinovic (aged 19), Danilo Ilic (aged 24), Trifko Grabez (aged 18), Vaso Cubrilovic (aged 17), and Cvjetko Popovic (aged 16).

Then there were others:

Ivo Kranjcevic (aged 19), who had hidden Vaso’s weapons after the assassination; Lazar Djukic (aged 18) who had introduced Vaso to Danilo; Veljko Cubrilovic (aged 28) the ‘teacher gentleman’ who had helped Gavro and Grabez to smuggle the weapons from Priboj to Tuzla; and Misko Jovanovic (aged 36) the cinema owner from Tuzla who his the weapons in his house.

Then there were the peasants who had helped Gavro and Grabez in their travel. These included Mitar Kerovic (aged 65) and his three sons, Nedjo (aged 28), Jovo (age unknown) and Blagoje (aged 34), and their friend Cvjan Stjepanovic (aged 37) who had accompanied Gavro and Grabez in their cart journey from Tobut to Tuzla.

The other peasants who had helped Gavro and Grabez in their journey were rounded up too. These were Mico Mimic (aged 26), Jakov Milovic (aged 43) and Obren Milosevic (aged 38).

Finally the three unfortunate members of the Croatian family where Ivo Kranjcevic had hidden Vaso’s weapons, the Momicinovics, were in the dock: Ivan Mimocinovic (aged 67), his son-in-law Franjo Sadilo (aged 43), and Franjo’s wife Angela Sadilo (aged 38).

Angela was the only woman in the trial.

The heir to an empire (albeit in its terminal decline) had been killed; someone had to hang. The trouble for the authorities was that all those who had directly participated in the assassination and were caught were all younger than 20 (there would be some uncertainty about Gavro’s age, but that would be cleared in due course and he too would be deemed to be under the age of 20) and, according to Austrian law, could not be executed. Only the main conspirators who had gone out with guns and bombs on that morning on 28 June to assassinate Ferdinand could be charged with murder and all five of them were too young to be hanged. The rest—Veljko, Misko, the peasants, and even Danilo Ilic could only be charged with being accessories to murder; and that was not a capital crime.

The Empire charged five of the defendants (Gavro, Nedjo, Grabez, Popovic and Vaso) with high treason. The rest were charged with being accessories to high treason. High treason was a capital crime and being accessory was also a capital crime. Therefore if any of the five charged with high treason were found guilty, the accessories would be found guilty of capital crimes. And although it still meant that the five could not be executed (being too young) some of the accessories who were in their twenties could be executed.

That’s what happened.

The trial began. There was no jury. Instead the president of the court, a judge named Luis von Curnidali, sat with two fellow judges. (After the trial, Curinaldi retired from public life, went to live in a monastery and became a friar.)

There was no public gallery. None of the relatives of the defendants was allowed to attend.

The Empire provided all the defendants with lawyers; however, with the exception of Dr. Rudolf Cistler, who represented the Cubrilovic brothers, the lawyers seemed almost embarrassed to represent the defendants and, at best, put up a half-hearted defence. (It has to be said though that Gavro’s lawyer conclusively proved to the court that his client was indeed younger than 20 years of age.)

Cistler was a German and put up a spirited, if slightly curious, defence. He challenged the legality of the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina to the Austrian Empire. He claimed that the Empire had never formally completed the annexation of the region. Therefore the region was technically still under Turkish rule. Ergo, none of the defendants could be charged of high treason. It was of no use; the Judges’ minds were made up. Cistler was reprimanded for showing contempt towards the Emperor.

When the defendants were invited to address the court, only Nedjo Cabernovic took up the offer. His voice cracking with emotion, Nedjo gave a long speech.

Nedjo began his speech by saying that they did not hate Austria, but reminded the court that after taking control of the region 33 years ago Austria did nothing for its people. He went on to speak about his own anarchist ideas. He spoke about how the conspirators came to view that Franz Ferdinand as the enemy of the Slavs and, while no one told them directly to ‘go and kill him’ (an indication perhaps that neither The Black Hand nor Young Bosnians were behind the assassination), they came to have idea in the milieu they lived in.

Nedjo concluded his speech with the following words:

‘There is something else I would like to say. Although Princip plays the hero, all of us play the hero. Nevertheless we are very sorry, because we did not know in the first place that the late Franz Ferdinand was the father of a family. We were deeply touched by the words he said to his late wife, “Sophie, stay here, for our children.”

Think what you like of us but we are not criminals. For myself and in the name of my comrades I beg that the children of the late Heir Apparent forgive us; and you render whatever verdict you like. We are not evildoers, we are honest people, honourable, idealistic, we wanted to do good, we loved our people, we will die for our ideals.’

Nedjo was weeping by the time he finished his speech.

As soon as Nedjo finished Gavro leapt to his feet and said that Nedjo was not authorized to speak in his name. It seems that Gavro by this time was conscious of how posterity would judge him and was keen not to be seen as seeking forgiveness.

The judges took five days to reach the verdict.

On 28 October 1914, exactly 4 months after Franz Ferdinand met his end, the verdict was delivered. By that time the Great War was in its third month.

Out of 25 defendants 9 were acquitted, including all members of the Croat family (the Momicinovics) whom Ivo Kranjcevic foolishly involved in the plot.

Gavro Princip, Nedjo Cabrinovic and Trifko Grabez were each sentenced to 20 years of penal servitude.

Vaso Cubrilovic received 16 years while Cvjetko Popovic received 13 years.

All of them were to have their imprisonment intensified by solitary confinement in a dark cell on 28 June each year. Gavro who killed Ferdinand was to, in addition, have one day of fasting each month.

Lazar Djukic and Ivo Kranjcevic were each given 10 years’ sentence.

Old Mitar Kerovic was sentenced to life imprisonment while his son Nedjo and Jakov Milovic were sentenced to be hanged. The sentences of the Kerovics were subsequently commuted to 20 years, while Miovic’s sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.

Danilo Ilic, Veljko Cubrilovic and Misko Jovanovic were sentenced to be hanged and were not granted any reprieve or amnesty.

After the conspirators were returned to prison after the verdict, a Jesuit priest visited Nedjo Cabrinovic in his cell. He had with him blanket forgiveness from Franz Ferdinand’s children. The children had forgiven him because he had repented and expressed his regrets. After he handed him the letter the priest proceeded to deliver a lengthy sermon to Nedjo. Nedjo who was an atheist was apparently so surprised that he could not utter a word in riposte.


Thursday, 10 July 2014

The Event that Sparked World War I: The Aftermath





The day Franz Ferdinand was assassinated on Appel Quay in Sarajevo, the first to disappear from the scene was Mehmed Mehmedbasic. Indeed Mehmedbasic did not wait for Gavro’s shooting. He scarpered as soon as he heard Nedjo’s bomb go off.

As mentioned in a previous posting, Mehmedbasic was the only one of the plotters who had a direct involvement in the assassination who escaped and never stood the trial.

The details of Mehmedbasic’s escape are sketchy. What is clear is that he did not hang about in Sarajevo, indeed Bosnia, after the assassination. He stayed in Sarajevo for two nights, in the company of some Muslim men who were studying to be imams. He left Sarajevo on 30 June 1914. By the time Austrian police identified the entire group Mehmedbasic had reached Montenegro.

The Austrian asked for Mehmedbasic to be arrested and sent to Sarajevo to stand trial. Montenegro was a small kingdom at this time, largely neutral but also pro-Serbian in its outlook.

Mehmedbasic, upon his arrival in Montenegro, had wasted no time in bragging about his role in the assassination, although he, the first in the line of the assassins Gavro and Ilic had lined up on Appel Quay to ‘welcome’ the Heir-Apparent, had not actually acted when presented with the opportunity and had run away from the scene at the earliest opportunity. He was arrested by the Montenegro police and he readily admitted to his culpability.

Mehmedbasic was jailed, but he escaped. It is possible that the jailers abetted his escape.

Montenegro informed the Austrian officials that they no longer knew where Mehmedbasic was. The truth was he was still in Montenegro, but quietly, without advertising his heroic role in the plot.

Mehmedbasic stayed in Montenegro for four more months before making his way to Belgrade, where he joined the Komite army.

It was while he was in the Komite army that Mehmedbasic fell under the spell of the charismatic Colonel Dragutin—‘Apis’—Dmitrijevic. Three years later, when Apis’s fortunes nosedived, Mehmedbasic would be charged with the plot to assassinate the Prince Regent, Alexander. Asseen in an earlier posting, these were trumped up charges and there was no plot to assassinate Alexander (a poetic justice, perhaps, meted out to Mehmedbasic). However, Mehemedbasic escaped the 1914 assassination trial. The other plotters were not so lucky.  



Cvjetko Popovic had placed himself at the corner of Cumurija Street when Nedjo’s bomb went off. He was equipped with a bomb and revolver although he used neither even though he must have realised, as the Archduke’s car passed him by after a few minutes that Nedjo’s bomb had failed to kill him.

Soon after the bomb went off Popovic decided to remove himself from the scene. He wanted to run back to his home, but did not want to take the chance of keeping his unused weapons in his home. He returned to Appel Quay and hid his weapons in the basement of the Prosjeta offices. It was from this location that Popovic’s weapons were recovered.

Popovic had resolved to end his life after the assassination, but made no attempt to kill himself afterwards, no doubt the idea appearing less appealing when the moment to act on it arrived.

Popovic stayed on in Sarajevo that night. The next day he left Sarajevo for Zemum where his father and step-mother lived.

Popovic would enjoy five more days of freedom. On 3 July he would be summoned and an accusation of his involvement in the plot would be read out to him. ‘Yes,’ Popovic would reply. ‘Everything is true.’



Trifko Grabez was at the Emperor’s Bridge on Appel Quay when he heard two clear shots, one after the other. Soon after, the news that the Heir Apparent had been assassinated began to circulate rapidly.

Grabez decided that he had to get away from Appel Quay. He went to his uncle’s house in Sarajevo and hid the bomb under the seat in the bathroom and gun under the roof. He then went back to the streets and strolled, happy as a Larry, on Appel Quay.

Grabez spent the next day at the home of another uncle in Sarajevo, but then returned to his parents’ home in Pale. He felt completely calm, he later told the trial, when he was in Pale.

Grabez had a girl friend at that time, a woman named Leposava Lalic. Lalic was to go on travelling the next day and Grabez decided to join her. He decided to go to Visegrad, a town near the Serbian border. He did not inform his parents that he was leaving.

Grabez was arrested later the same day because he was travelling without an official permit. He had a legitimate passport with him. The passport showed that Grabez had entered Bosnia from Serbia on 30 May. This aroused suspicions of the police. He was returned to Sarajevo and put in jail.

The above account suggests that it was Grabez's bad luck that he got arrested. If he had a valid permit he might not have been arrested. However, it seems likely that his name would have been mentioned when the other plotters were arrested, and, had Grabez still been in Bosnia, he probably would have been arrested. If, on the other hand, he had crossed the border and entered Serbia, he might have been able to avoid the arrest.



Vaso Cubrilovic, like Mehmedbasic, did not did not hang about on Appel Quay for the shooting. After Nedjo’s bomb went off, he left Appel Quay to a pre-arranged rendezvous to meet Ivo Kranjcevic, and gave Kranjcevic his weapons. The day after the assassination Vaso went out on the streets with his friends and, as was his nature, began boasting about the killing of the previous day. He even declared facetiously that it was he who had fired the shots that killed the Archduke.

Vaso then left Sarajevo. He was arrested on 3 July, the same day Popovic was arrested, in the town of Dubica.


Kranjcevic, in the meanwhile, had hidden the weapons at a family friend’s place without the knowledge of the head of the family. Kranjcevic was lucky that the head of the family was not at home when he arrived at the doorsteps with a bomb and revolver, and was let in by the women. The family head was furious when he came to know what Kranjcevic had done. His family (the name was Momiconovic) was Catholic and ostensibly loyal to the Emperor. In the aftermath of the assassination a filthy anti-Serb mood had gripped Sarajevo; there were anti-Serb demonstrations and riots all over the city. Momiconovic called at Kranjcevic’s place and demanded that the weapons be removed from his house.

At the trial, Kranjcevic’s father, who was a retired sergeant from the Austrian police force, was at a loss to explain how his son, from a Catholic Croat family, loyal to the Empire, had come to identify with Serb nationalism. ‘He was misled,’ was all that Kranjcevic’s father could offer by way of explanation. This was exactly the same phrase the Emperor Franz Ferdinand had used in his Imperial Manifesto, released in the wake of Archduke’s assassination. The killing, the manifesto said, was carried out by eine kleine Schar irreg eliten—a small group of the misled. Nothing to do with the Austrians.




Gavro Princip in the meanwhile had been brought to the police station. He was initially questioned by Leo Pfeffer, a relatively inexperienced member of the Austrian judiciary. This is how Pfeffer remembered Gavro when he was brought to him:

‘The young assassin, exhausted by the beatings, was unable to utter a single word. He was undersized, emaciated, sallow and sharp featured. It was difficult to imagine that so frail an individual could have committed so serious a crime.’

The clear blue eyes of the ‘assassin’, according to Pfeffer, were piercing and burning; but there was nothing cruel or criminal in them. They spoke of innate intelligence.

After firing the two shots Gavro had turned the gun inwards and was about to shoot himself. However, a spectator standing nearby saw what Gavro was about to do. He lunged at Gavro and snatched the revolver away from him. In the ensuing chaos Gavro swallowed the cyanide, but, just as Nedjo’s cyanide didn’t work, Gavro’s didn’t either. He merely began vomiting as he was being dragged to the police station and received severe beatings on the way. Gavro’s plan of killing the Archduke was successful, but he could not become, as he had wished, a martyr immediately. That would have to wait for a few more years.

Gavro confessed that he had vowed two years previously to avenge the death of Bogdan Zerajic (who had tried to assassinate General Varesanin). When he heard of the Archduke’s arrival, he had decided to take his revenge because he considered the Heir-Apparent as the embodiment of the power that exercised terrible pressure on the Yugoslavs.

At the time of this conversation neither Gavro nor Pfeffer knew that Ferdinand was dead. Gavro was formally charged with murder later in the evening after the Archduke’s death was confirmed.

At this stage the Austrians knew of only two conspirators: Gavro and Nedjo Cabrinovic, both of whom had been arrested straightaway after their attempts of Ferdinand’s life. They had not yet made the connection that Gavro and Nedjo were in the plot together.




Nedjo was interviewed by a different judge in the afternoon of 28 June. This is what Nedjo told him:

‘I am an adherent of the radical anarchist idea, which aims at destroying the present system through terrorism in order to bring in a liberal system in its place. Therefore I hate all representatives of constitutional systems, as the bearers of powers which oppress people. I have educated myself in this spirit by reading socialist and anarchist writings, and I can say that I have read almost all literature available in the Serbo-Croat language.’

Nedjo initially said that he had acted alone, as he could not trust anyone. However he later accepted his connection with Gavro. Typical of Nedjo that he gave the game away while trying to suggest that the two attempts were a coincidence.

Finally, on 30 June Nedjo admitted that he had conspired with Gavro in Belgrade to assassinate the Archduke.

The Austrians put Nedjo and Gavro in chains in isolated cells at the military prison. Their cells were positioned such that they suffered the full glare of the sun. Neither was given water. Their cells looked on to a courtyard where Serbian students, businessmen and peasants who were arrested as a result of the assassination were kept.

Available evidence suggests that neither Gavro nor Nedjo gave away the names of the other conspirators.



Danilo Ilic was arrested fairly soon after Gavro’s arrest. At that time the authorities had no inkling of his involvement in the assassination. Ilic was one of the many radical young Serbs who were arrested that evening. Ilic had a cyanide pill on his person (the one he did not give to Grabez) when he was arrested.

It is generally believed that Danilo Ilic revealed the names of other plotters to the Austrian authorities.



Veljko Cubrilovic, the ‘teacher gentleman’ and Vaso’s elder brother, was rounded up, together with Misko Jovanovic, following Ilic’s disclosures.(Misko Jovanovic was the 'good Serb' in Tuzla who his the weapons Gavro Princip and Trifko Grabez had smuggled into Bosnia from Serbia, and passed them on to Ilic.)  

In due course all the peasants who had helped Gavro and Grabez in smuggling weapons into Bosnia were also arrested. Unlike the main conspirators, all these men were married with families. Veljko, for example, just before his arrest, had become a father for the first time.

Available evidence suggests that Veljko Cubrilovic could have avoided (or at any rate delayed) his fate by escaping to Serbia. He chose not to. It was his sense of honour that stopped him from seeking an escape. In his letter from prison to his wife Veljko wrote: ‘What would have my peasants thought of me if I had fled and left them alone in those trying days?’

Both Veljko and Misko felt (amongst others) that Danilo Ilic had betrayed them.

                                                              Misko Jovanovic


Sunday, 6 July 2014

The Event that Sparked World War I: the Plot and Plotters

On 28 June 1914, Gavro Prinicp, a Bosnian Serb, assassinated the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir apparent of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. There were a number of men involved in the conspiracy to assassinate the Archduke. One of them was Nedjo Cabrinovic.

                                
                                                                        Nedjo Cabrinovic:

Family Background and Childhood

Nedjo Cabrinovic was the only one amongst the plotters, other than Gavro Princip, with direct involvement in the plot to kill Franz Ferdinand, who actually made an attempt. Nedjo threw a bomb at the Archduke’s car on the morning of 28 June 1914 when Archduke’s procession was passing through the main street of Sarajevo.

Nedjo’s was a city family, having been based in Sarajevo for generations. His father, Vaso, was born under the Turkish rule, in 1864; however, when the control of the city was passed over to the Hapsburgs in 1878, Vaso Cabrinovic had prospered under Austrian rule. He was the proud owner of one of the first coffee-grinding machines in Sarajevo. He roasted and sold coffee from his home.

Nedjo’s family was socially superior to the families of almost all the other plotters, except perhaps the Cubrilovic brothers.

Vaso Cabrinovic was a rough, unsophisticated man who subscribed to the notion that the best way to raise children was to be inordinately stern with them and refuse them whatever they asked for. He was a man of extreme moods. When he was in good mood he liked himself to be photographed surrounded by his children. After a quarrel, however (recalled his daughter Vukosava while speaking to English writer Rebecca West in the 1930s), he would go round the house cutting the faces of those who had offended him, out of the pictures. But he never destroyed them. When the offending party was back in favour, the face would be pasted back in the photograph.

Vaso Cabrinovic had a very volatile relationship with Nedjo, the eldest of his seven surviving children (he fathered ten).

Nedjo Cabrinovic was born in 1895. As a child he spent some of his time with relatives in the Bosnian city of Trebinje. Age 12, Nedjo was in a school in Trebinje, where he failed his exams. His enraged father summoned him back to Sarajevo and refused to pay for his education. For the rest of his short life Nedjo remained bitter towards his father about having to leave school. He ran away from home and tried to earn a living as a locksmith. That did not work out and he had to return home with tail between his legs.

Teenage years and Interest in Politics

Age 14 (year 1909), Nedjo began an apprenticeship at a printing plant, the Serbian Press, in Sarajevo, where he worked for two years and learned typesetting. Around this time he also began to get interested in politics. He began reading about Socialism and revolution. His father caught him one night reading a Russian revolutionary novel and beat him mercilessly.

Nedjo was a hot-headed, impulsive young man who frequently got into trouble, both at work and at home, because of his fiery nature. He walked out on his job at the printing press after an argument with an older colleague and his father, equally short-tempered as Nedjo, drove him out of the house. He was accepted back after a month but got into more trouble with his father when he argued with a housemaid and refused to apologize. This time round, Vaso reported Nedjo to the police and had him jailed for three days.

Nedjo goes to Belgrade and is influenced by Anarchist Ideology

Like many young Bosnian Serbs, Nedjo ended up in Belgrade where he took up a printing job with a group of anarchists. He became influenced by the anarchist ideas and frequently attended late night meetings. The intense life-style, together with poor nutrition, took its toll and Nedjo became ill. He returned to Sarajevo, to his father’s house. He was now 17, and the year was 1912.

Back in Sarajevo and in further Trouble

As he convalesced, Nedjo became involved with a radical group of young Serbs in Sarajevo called ‘Young Bosnians’ (Mlada Bosna). When his health improved further he found himself a job and began printing a political journal.

It was in the summer of 1912 that Nedjo met with Gavro Princip, who, having led an itinerant, impoverished life until then, was, like Nedjo, not in the best of health. The two men soon became close friends. They began reading together and made notes.

Nedjo sometimes brought Gavro to his house where Gavro met Nedjo’s beautiful younger sister, Vukosava. It is probable that Gavro developed romantic longings towards Vukosava; however, perhaps owing to his shy nature, but also to the large social gap that existed between their backgrounds, it did not lead to anything.

Nedjo’s unstable life-style and clashes both with authorities and his father continued unabated. The same year (1912) he resigned his job in the printing press in order to join printer’s strike and, as a result, was asked to leave home (yet again) by his father. He was arrested and jailed for three days for threatening to burn down the printing press—he was trying to influence the strike, he recalled in his trial, from his own anarchist position.

Nedjo was asked to give the authorities the names and whereabouts of the strike-leaders. Nedjo refused. After being given a long lecture by an Austrian officer, Nedjo was banned from Sarajevo for 5 years and exiled to Trebinje. In his 1914 trial Nedjo recalled:

‘A personal motive drove me to vengeance after I was banished from Sarajevo. I was suffering because a foreigner who came to my country banished me from my native town.’

Flitting between Belgrade and Sarajevo

Nedjo of course did not go to Trebinje. He went to Belgrade instead. The year was 1912. Gavro Princip had reached Belgrade too; and the two men frequented cafes patronised by Bosnian Serbs in the city. Gavro was studying while Nedjo was doing a day job. Both were skint.

The cafes Nedjo and Gavro frequented were cheap cafes where men could sit for long hours over cups of coffee. The cafes were also frequented by Komite officers (the mobilization for the First Balkan War had begun). One such officer was Milan Ciganovic. Two years later Ciganovic would provide the plotters with weapons and also train them in shooting from a pistol.

Nedjo and his father, Vaso, it would appear, could neither get on with each other, nor without each other. Vaso successfully applied to the Austrian authorities against his son’s expulsion and sent Nedjo money. As the summer of 1912 neared its end Nedjo was back in Sarajevo.

Nedjo stayed in Sarajevo until May 1913. He finally qualified as a journeyman typographer and promptly began a furious political debate in print with the Social Democrats (to whose organization he belonged) in Sarajevo, criticizing them severely. The Social Democrats responded aggressively and accused him of being an agent of the Serbian government. Around this time rumours started circulating that his father was an agent of Austrian authorities.

While Nedjo was determinedly continuing with his life of conflict, it has to be said that it was a reflection of what was going round him. Unrest was growing in Bosina. The Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had controlled Bosnia and Hercegovina since 1878, had formally annexed the territory in 1908. The Austrian authorities were becoming uncomfortably aware that all manners of assassination plots were being hatched against the royalty. The Empire responded predictably: with repression. In May 1913 the Austrian governor Oskar Potiorek announced ‘Emergency Measures’: he banned assemblies, organizing, closed many school, and banned Serbian newspapers. The Austrian newspapers hinted that the Empire might attack Serbia which, at that time, was involved in the Second Balkan War, this time with Bulgaria, one of the original Balkan League nations. 

                                                         Oskar Potiorek

To Nedjo Cabrinovic this was unconscionable. In his 1914 trial he said,

‘Serbia would be empty and then they [Austria] could invade her with 100,000 men. I felt I had greater nationalism in me and when that Balkan war [the Second Balkan War] startred, there developed in me a great desire to be in Serbia.’

Around this time Nedjo was finally expelled by the Social Democrats and his former colleagues boycotted him. His father Vaso banned him from writing to his younger sister Vukosava (who, by this time, was studying in Croatia), blaming him for influencing Vukosava with his anarchist ideas.

Final Year in Belgrade (May 1913 to May 1914)

Nedjo, the restless soul that he was, felt he could not stay in Sarajevo. Where did he go? To Belgrade, via Trieste (where he borrowed a gun).

By the time Nedjo arrived in Belgrade, in 1913, the Second Balkan War was almost over, and, while Serbia had prevailed, there was little money and great hardship. Nedjo could get only a very poorly paid job in a printing press.

Nedjo would stay in Belgrade for 12 months. He would return to Sarajevo in June 1914, ready to slay his victim, Franz Ferdinand.

Nedjo was starving, but it did not diminish his revolutionary fervour. He began frequenting the cheap cafes in Belgrade and debated furiously all night long. He was an anarchist while many who came to these cafes were radical nationalists. However, Nedjo had in common with them the belief of one pan-Slavic state that would unite all Serbs. They all were unanimous that Austria must be forced out of Bosnia and Hercegovina.

One morning in the spring of 1914, either March or early April 1914, Nedjo received a letter. The letter, which bore the stamp of Franz Joseph, the Emperor, had come from Bosnia. Inside the envelope was a clipping from a newspaper, and only one word—‘greeting’—was added to it. The text read:

‘From Sarajevo, it is announced that the Archduke heir Apparent with his wife will come to Sarajevo and participate in manoeuvres.’ (It never became clear who had sent this clipping to Nedjo).

Nedjo meets with Gavro Princip and agrees to participate in the Assassination

One day, in spring 1914, Nedjo met his old friend Gavro, who too was in Belgrade, in one of the cafes. Nedjo still had the newspaper clipping with him, which he showed to Gavro. Gavro read the cutting and returned it to Nedjo without a comment.

At this stage Nedjo was not seriously thinking about assassinating the Archduke. The same evening Gavro returned to Nedjo’s digs and suggested they go for a walk to discuss the news clipping Nedjo had shown him earlier in the day.

The two of them went to a park in Belgrade where Gavro put it to Nedjo that the two of them carry out the assassination of Franz Ferdinand. After a minimum of hesitation Nedjo agreed. The two young men, barely out of their teens, gave each other their word of honour and shook hands.

Journeys back to Sarajevo, June 1914

Nedjo and Gavro discussed ways to obtain weapons; Gavro took upon himself the responsibility. As described in the earlier post, Gavro managed to obtain weapons through Milan Ciganovic. However, unbeknown to Gavro, Nedjo too had approached Ciganovic for weapons after he ran into Ciganovic in a Belgrade cafe. 

                             Milan Ciganovic, flanked by Gavro Princip and Nedjo Csbrinovic

Nedjo had only a nodding acquaintance with discretion and, like some of the other conspirators, spoke freely about the plot to assassinate the Archduke. It was this indiscretion of Nedjo that caused strife between him and Gavro when the two, together with Trifko Grabez, set off from Belgrade for Sarajevo on 28 May 1914. Halfway through the journey Gavro asked Nedjo to make his own way separately to Tuzla, taking away the weapons from him. Nedjo was, in Gavro's eyes, becoming a liability because of his unfortunate urge to tell anyone willing to give him an ear about the assassination plot.

Nedjo travelled separately and waited for his two friends in Tuzla. Gavro and Trifko Grabez arrived in Tuzla, kept the weapons with Misko Jovanovic, and the three conspirators left for Sarajevo on a train. By that time Nedjo had another falling out with Gavro.

June 1914—Sarajevo

When Nedjo arrived at his father’s home in Sarajevo after 12 months, Vaso decided that he must be immediately registered with the police his son’s return. In the police register, where he had to write Nedjo’s address, his father wrote: ‘all around the world.’

In the next three weeks leading to the assassination Nedjo met several times with Gavro. However, he was now ‘outside the loop’, having fallen out with Gavro during the journey. Gavro had obviously decided that Nedjo was a motormouth and hence unreliable. He told Nedjo very little especially in relation to the weapons. Nedjo had no idea almost until the end whether the weapons had arrived in Sarajevo.

Gavro and Grabez told Danilo Ilic (Gavro’s childhood friend and the principal conspirator) that they thought that Nedjo was ‘very naive’ and unsuitable to be an assassin.

In his prison interview with Dr. Pappenheim Gavro told the psychiatrist that Nedjo initially wanted to be the lone assassin. But [Gavro continued] he [Nedjo] was ‘only a type-setter, not of sufficient intelligence’ (a touch of academic snobbery, here, from Gavro, towards his friend who came from a more prosperous, city, background, as opposed to Gavro’s village, peasant background). Also, he was not considered sufficiently nationalist because of his previous anarchist ideas.

Nedjo was also unaware that other men (Mehmed Mehmedbasic, Vaso Cubrilovic and Popovic) were being recruited to the plot.

Nedjo, as was his nature, continued to talk indiscriminately and boasted to several people (including family, friends and even housemaids) the heroic journey he had undertaken from Belgrade to Sarajevo with his two friends.

Nedjo had a large circle of friends in Sarajevo, many of them unconnected to the plot. In the three weeks leading to the assassination Nedjo looked in on many of them. These friends were summoned to the trial and described a revealing picture of Nedjo’s personality. The picture emerges of a confident, outgoing, gregarious man who was a charmer. With these friends Nedjo rarely talked of politics. He met with them in the company of girls and sang songs.

Whenever he met Gavro and tried to talk about the assassination, Gavro told Nedjo to shut up.

Nedjo came to the conclusion, based on the very minimal information provided by Gavro, that the plot to assassinate Franz Ferdinand had been abandoned. He carried on believing this almost until the last day.

It was only on 26 June, a Friday, that Gavro disclosed to Nedjo that the plan to kill Franz Ferdinand was going ahead, after all.


27 June 1914, Sarajevo

Nedjo met with Gavro the next day (27 June). Gavro took Nedjo to Appel Quay, the main road where Ferdinand’s car would pass the next day, on 28 June. By this time Gavro and Danilo Ilic had decided and planned where everyone would stand. Even at such late stage Nedjo was unaware of the identities of other assassins recruited to the plot, and believed that Danilo Ilic would take direct part in the assassination.

Gavro showed Nedjo his place: next to the Austro-Hungarian bank. Nedjo would be the third in line to kill the Archduke, although he did not know that. (The first two would be Mehmed Mehmedbasic and Vaso Cubrilovic.)

That evening Nedjo began carrying out last acts in anticipation of his death the next day. He gave away the few things he owned. He gave his mother his pocket-knife and watch. He gave his grandmother, to whom he was especially close, 20 crowns from his last wages (in the three weeks he was in Sarajevo, incredibly, Nedjo had found a job). He bought a bouquet of flowers and sent it to a young girl who must have been close to her heart. He had only a few crowns left. He gave them to his younger sister, Jovanka. He told her that he was going on a journey and they would never see each other again. As Jovanka left the room she noticed that her brother had tears in his eyes.

In his trial, Nedjo would say that he felt sorry for all his family, even his father with whom he had never got on well. ‘I have not been satisfied with him [his father],’ Nedjo would inform the trial. ‘The raising he gave me has brought me to this. But I still feel sorry for him.’

Nedjo left his home for the last time on 28 June 1914. He never saw any of his family again. He was arrested straightaway after his unsuccessful attempt on the Archduke’s life. The prisoners were kept in isolation before the trial and were not allowed any visitors. There was no open gallery for the family or other interested parties at the trial.

After the trial and until his death Nedjo had only two visitors, and they were not his family.